Recent "critiques" of No Child Left Behind from bipartisan associations
representing the governors, legislators, state school chiefs and local
superintendents, have offered students of management, psychology and
propaganda plenty of grist for their intellectual mills.
The groups' common theme: No Child Left Behind constitutes federal micromanagement of state and local education policy.
The speech given by Republican Tom Horne, Arizona’s Superintendent of Education, April 24 at the right-of-center Heritage Foundation, takes the line of argument to its (il)logical conclusion.
From the first page: When a central
bureaucracy attempts to manage a complex continent-wide system, extreme
dysfunction results. My theme today is that this is as true of No Child
Left Behind, with an 1,100 page bill, and an intrusive federal
department of education. It is as dysfunctional in attempting to
micromanage a complex continent-wide education system, as was true of
the Soviet bureaucracy trying to micromanage the Soviet economy....
From the last page: “If
you permit a bureaucracy to micromanage a continent-wide, complex
system, extreme dysfunction will result. Just ask the Russians.”
To understand
what’s happening here requires some simple reminders about the meanings
of three words: micromanagement – from businiess, projection -
psychoanalysis; and transference - propaganda and, its modern
version, advertising.
Micromanagement
[T]o manage or control with excessive attention to minor details.
Based on the Random House Unabridged Dictionary, © Random House, Inc. 2006.
Micromanagement is about interfereing with “how” goals are achieved.
No Child Left Behind is a lengthy bill. As Horne points out, it
runs 1100 pages. Most of it covers the allocation of funds, specfic
programs, and definitions. The bulk of this law is about defining and
meeting outcomes. Very little actually precribes state or local
processes. NCLB is focused on meeting ends, not pursuing means; on
student
performance, not how to achieve it. Moreover,
Horne and others are not saying “we agree with the goal of 100% student
proficiency by 2014 - just get the feds out of our way so we can get
there." They are asking for relief from the goals – goals that the
states set for themselves when the law first passed.
As pointed out in "The Letter from the Editor" in this coming Tuesday’s issue of New Education Economy®:
NCLB’s Section
1111 describes how schools and districts will be held accountable for
the use of federal funds. Sec. 1111(b) requires that states:
• Establish standards of learning for students.
• Choose tests to measure student performance, and “cut scores” that determine basic proficiency.
• Require
schools and districts to report performance for all students, and
groups that been victimized by inadequate resources and the “soft
bigotry of low expectations.”
• Set out a time
line for SY 2002-14, when the law requires that “all students in each
group... will meet or exceed the State’s proficient level,” and include
intermediate benchmarks that will demonstrate Adequate Yearly Progress
(AYP) towards that goal.
The most
important thing to remember about these provisions is that their
implementation was up to the states and districts. States could choose
world-class standards or not. States could select easier or more
difficult tests, and set cut scores high or low. They could draw their
time line as a gradual slope, a hockey stick, or a steep climb leading
to something like a plateau. Students from historically neglected
categories could be spread across a district to minimize the number of
schools where those students constitute statistically meaningful groups.
Each state set
its rules for accountability under NCLB to balance the credibility of
its commitment to a meaningful public education; state and local
ability add funds, redeploy resources and make other required changes;
and political opposition to change. Every state came up with a
different balance, but all tended to solutions that would defer an
inevitable political crisis.
As we enter the
debate over NCLB reauthorization, the fated moment is approaching fast.
Under the current rules selected by the states, thousands of public
schools in rich, poor and middle class districts have started down the
path from improvement to reconstitution status, or can see it clearly
on the horizon.
Local and state
politicians have three choices: fundamental reorganization of
public education, increasing budgets, or leaning on Senators and
Congressmen to change NCLB. The last is the easiest by far. It is the
default option whether you are a small government, local-control,
tax-averse Republican, or Democratic ally of traditional public
education with a strong union ties and oppose standardized tests.
And this brings us to psychoanalysis.
Projection
“[T]he
attribution of one's own ideas, feelings, or attitudes to other people
or to objects; especially: the externalization of blame, guilt, or
responsibility as a defense against anxiety”
Merriam-Webster's Medical Dictionary.
Your editor is
not about to defend this Department of Education as highly qualified to
implement NCLB, but the law itself is not about controlling or
directing state or local education agency processes. The Reading First fiasco certainly plays into hands of those who would call the Department a micro-manager. The
Department failed to implement No Child Left Behind properly by
defining “scientifically based reading research” and assuring that
states had systems in place to make purchasing decisions according to
those criteria. Instead, a low level official dictated the products that
could and could not be bought. Still, the scandal is better characterized as bad management permitted by a laissez-faire attitude at the Assistant Secreatary level and above, or possibly criminal management fostered by corruption. That’s not micromanagement, it's plain and simple mismanagement.
To truly appreciate the micromanagement of public education, look no further than those accusing the feds. To
whatever extent the feds have served their apprenticeship in the art, their masters
come from state and local k-12 bureacracies. Indeed,
virtually anyone writing about education reform over the past twenty
years – Republican, Democrat, conservative, liberal, pro-voucher,
anti-voucher, pro-union, pro-management, constructivist, progressive or
old school - has sent countless trees to their death explicating the
fixation of state and local school systems on “inputs” that have almost
nothing to do with student performance, their resistance to measuring
“outputs,” and their inability to relate outcomes to meaningful
accountability.
f this were law, the
proposition that state and local education agencies practice
micromagement would be "black letter law."
So when anyone
in the system claims NCLB is about micromanagement, they are not only
attributing an incorrect meaning of the term to the federal law, they
are also externalizing what they fear about their own institutions.
But there is more than a certain amount of self-loathing going on here. There is a powerful tool of propaganda at work as well
Transference
[T]he redirection of feelings and desires… toward a new object
Merriam-Webster's Medical Dictionary
Sooner or later
every political candidate is placed in front of the "Stars and Stripes"
and in the presence of our troops. Americans love the flag and support
our soldiers, sailors, and airmen. Candidates hope some of those good feelings will "rub off" on - transfer to
- themselves.
Americans are no
great fans of bureaucracy. No one enjoys being micromanaged by some
boss looking over their shoulder and continually checking their work.
The fact that No Child Left Behind is about outputs, not how the public
school gets those outputs – and that the outputs and how to measure
them were set by the states - is politically irrelevant. If the
public comes to associate “NCLB” with “micromanagement”, opponents will
gain the upper hand in the reauthorization debate.
And if they
repeat the conflation often enough, people may just believe it. In
propaganda, that's called “the big lie.” And that's precisely what we've been
seeing from the system for the past month. Superintendent Horne just took the argument
to a point of absurdity that might reveal the strategy's true intent.
The big lie can
never be left unanswered. The school improvement industry and
supporters of NCLB’s tough standards must take every opportunity to
counter misrepresentation with the truth. The standards, measures and
timetables in NCLB are reasonable - and were set by the states. Now
they can't meet them. Do we turn our backs on historically neglected
students and decide to step away from the world’s race to develop
the best minds because the traditional system can't deliver - and doesn't seem eager
to do what's necessary to deliver? Or now that we are approaching the
point of no return, when doubters always protest the loudest, do we keep
our promises to these kids and remain part of the global competition? Do
we push through? Help for those finding it hard to meet the goal?
Absolutely. Retreat from that goal? Absolutely not.
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